In at least one sense, the so-called "American century" is ending much as it began: the United States has become a nation of immigrants and is again being profoundly transformed. Central to that transformation are the modes of incorporation of today's immigrants - and more consequentially still, of their offspring. Immigrant children and U.S.-born children of immigrants - the fastest-growing segment of the United States' child population - accounted for 15% of all American children in 1990, including about 60% of all Hispanic children and an overwhelming 90% of all Asian-American children (Zhou, 1997); today, based on analysis of the 1997 Current Population Survey1, they number 13.7 million, or nearly 20% of all American children. The last census counted 2 million foreign-born children under 18, and another 6 million U.S.-born children under 18 living with immigrant parents (Oropesa and Landale, 1997). Between 1990 and 1997, the immigrant population increased from 20 to 27 million, with the number of their children growing commensurately. By 1997, there were 3 million foreign-born children and nearly 11 million U.S.-born children under 18 with at least one foreign-born parent.
This report examines welfare reforms in five Midwest states, following the Responsibility Act of 1996. The states,Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, are selected because of their geographic proximity and because of their unique policies and programs. These programs are reviewed, compared, and assessed in this report. An important finding is the disparity between claims of success in reducing welfare dependency against the apparent persistence of poverty, hunger, and other related social problems for millions of children and working poor.
This study looks at the underutilization of hospice by elderly Mexican-American women in Lansing, Mich. The hospice literature refers to "barriers" as reasons why Mexican-Americans do not use hospice and discusses three different categories: curanderos, familismo, and fatalism. This study analyzes the claims made by the hospice literature and tests its validity by interacting and interviewing Mexican-American elderly women at Lansing's Cristo Rey Community Center. The results showed that the claims about familismo and fatalism were still important elements which affected the women's beliefs on death and dying and the use of hospice; however, there was no reported use of curanderos. It was also shown that there is not a "need" for hospice, for an informal hospice already exists. Therefore, in order for hospice to understand the underutilization of its services, it is necessary to speak to the people of minority communities. In this way, they are able to tell, in their own words (en sus propias palabras), of their need for help in dealing with death and dying.
The focus of this paper will be on two expanding enclaves, one in Kennett Square and the other in nearby Toughkenamon. Mexican immigration, residential concentration, and housing and living conditions will be presented in the two cases. A brief demographic and socioeconomic profile of the immigrant and migrant populations will also be included. Additionally, the arrival of the Mexicans in these communities and others will be contextualized within other population changes in Southern Chester County, namely the settlement of White professionals immigrating from surrounding metropolitan areas and the exodus of Blacks. The reasons behind the growth of the Mexican enclaves will also be covered in the paper. It will be argued that the mushroom industry and the Special Agricultural Workers (SAW) Program together are responsible for the on going Mexican enclave process.
In the spring of 1989, funded by the University of Nebraska-Omaha, Lourdes Gouveia selected Lexington, Nebraska, as a site to examine the changes expected to result from the opening of a large meatpacking plant and the arrival of Latinos. The selection was based on consultations with staff from the Center for Rural Affairs in Walthill, Nebraska, which had closely monitored the farm crisis of the 1980's. It was also based on consultations with Don Stull of the University of Kansas, who had conducted a similar study in Garden City, Kansas and had visited Lexington earlier in 1989. In the summer of the same year, Don Stull and Michael Broadway, from State University of New York-Geneseo, received funding from their respective universities to begin research in Lexington. Through a coordinated effort, we began collecting baseline socioeconomic and demographic data and interviewing key informants. At that time, the presence of new Latino migrants in town was barely perceptible. Thus, our initial efforts were directed at interviewing and collecting information from individuals representing the various agencies and community segments we expected to be most affected by the incoming changes. The Aspen Institute and the Ford Foundation funded the team to conduct additional work during 1992, and the University of Kansas funded Stan Moore, a bilingual doctoral student to conduct fieldwork during the same year. Lourdes Gouveia has received additional funding on a relatively continuous basis since her first entry into the community which has allowed her to follow Latinos and Latinas' migration and settlement trajectories since their initial arrival in Lexington.
Data from the 1979 National Chicano Survey were analyzed using a path analysis model to examine the effects of wife's employment on the psychological well-being of Mexican-American men. Three hypotheses were examined. First, Mexican-American husbands whose wives are employed will not provide more help with household chores than their counterparts whose wives are not employed. Second, Mexican-American males who provide more help with household chores will report lower levels of marital satisfaction. Third, Mexican-American husbands whose wives are employed, who help more with household chores, and who report lower levels of marital satisfaction will experience higher levels of depression. The results show limited support for the model. While Mexican-American husbands do contribute more to household chores when their wives are employed, this participation is not significantly related to the level of marital satisfaction or the levels of depression.
This research report is based on my doctoral dissertation. I would like to acknowledge and thank my advisor, Dr. Refugio I. Rochín, for the assistance that was given me in completing the dissertation. The help I received was indispensable. I also wish to thank my committee members, Dr. Clifford Broman, Dr. Thomas Conner, and Dr. Francisco Villarruel, for their help and guidance in the process of researching and writing the dissertation. Lastly, I would like to acknowledge and thank Dr. Christopher Vanderpool for his support throughout my graduate career at Michigan State University. This report was written while I was a Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Julian Samora Research Institute, which funded the project.
Eunice Romero-Gwynn & Douglas Gwynn
Contrary to common belief, Latinos living in the United States comprise a heterogeneous population with diverse cultural backgrounds. The last U.S. Population Census identified the geographic origin of the 22.4 million Latinos as follows: 63% Mexican, 12% Puerto Rican, 12% Central and South American, 5% Cuban, and 8% an unidentified country.1 While Spanish is the common language to most Latinos, other cultural characteristics, particularly food practices, are unique to specific countries and even specific regions within a country. Often the same food is consumed in many countries, but the preparation methods and integration of foods into the meal pattern vary from one country to another. For example, while beans are consumed in most Latin American countries, refried beans are consumed mostly in Mexico.
A racial/ethnic analysis of total adult male admissions in six Nebraska Department of Correctional Services (DCS) facilities for a 5-year period, from 1987 to 1991, shows Latino admissions almost doubling. Interestingly, the majority of Latino males sentenced to Nebraska penal facilities enter the system from Panhandle County, a sparsely populated rural agricultural county. Census data indicate that Latino prison admissions in Nebraska and, even more so, in Panhandle County are highly disproportionate to respective 1990 state and county population figures. In addition, a comparison of Latino imprisonment rates in eight counties with Latino populations of 1,000 or more shows Latinos entering the prison system at higher rates from smaller rural counties. Finally, bivariate and multivariate analyses of Panhandle County district court records point to a double standard of justice in Panhandle County favoring Anglos over Latinos and Native Americans. This publication was presented to the Graduate College faculty at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the Master of Arts degree. It was prepared under the supervision of Professor Jay Corzine, 1992.
Not only are Anglo-Americans consistently regarded as perpetrators but African-American minorities are consistently regarded as victims. In fact, "minority" is a political term that includes an ever-expanding assortment of races and ethnic groups differentiated from Anglo-Americans by skin color. This view of "minority" does not take account of the historical miscegenation among an increasingly indistinct Puerto Rican population. This paper will attempt to move the dialogue addressing racism from discussions of "race" to discussions of skin color.
Rogelio Saenz & Cynthia Cready
Despite their continued concentration in the Southwest, Mexican Americans have migrated to Midwest throughout the 20th century. This paper provides a historical overview describing the movement of Mexican Americans between the Southwest and Midwest over the century. The major focus of the analysis, however, is on the contemporary migration of Mexican Americans between these two regions. It is predicted that in light of the well-established historical migration routes between the Southwest and Midwest, the more favorable economic conditions of the Midwest in the 1980s relative to the earlier decade, and the expanding employment opportunities for Mexican Americans and other Latinos in certain industrial sectors in the Midwest, the net flow of Mexican American migrants occurred from the Southwest to the Midwest in the 1985-1990 period. The analysis seeks to assess this prediction and to determine the extent to which this pattern is observed across states in the region. Data from the 1990 Public Use Microdata Samples (PUMS) are used to conduct the analysis. The results demonstrate a net flow of Mexican Americans in the expected direction (i.e., from the Southwest to the Midwest), with the Midwest experiencing a net gain of nearly 7,400 migrants who moved between the two regions in the 1985-1990 period. While all states except Illinois and South Dakota experienced net gains of Mexican American migrants, Kansas, Minnesota, and Michigan were the only ones whose net gains were larger than 1,000. A variety of other more indepth analyses are also reported in the paper.
This article on the migration and integration of Latinos into the community of Adrian, Michigan begins with a state-level descriptive analysis of the composition and change in the Latino population over the decade of the 1980's. The observations made are contrasted with the findings of a similar analysis of the Latino population in Adrian. The manuscript proceeds with a brief history of what first drew "Mexican" workers to the Adrian area and how they were welcomed as citizens. The historical overview is followed by a discussion on different indicators of Latino integration as reflected by recent socioeconomic conditions. After a concluding section on Latinos in Adrian the manuscript proceeds to a discussion on the policy implications of the research findings for immigration reform, and for social policy related to the migration and integration of Latinos and other minority groups.
Marcelo Siles & Lindon J. Robison
Lindon J. Robison and Marcelo E. Siles are, respectively, Professor in the Department of Agricultural Economics and Senior Research Associate at the Julian Samora Research Institute at Michigan State University. Support for this report was provided by the Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station and the Julian Samora Research Institute, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. The authors appreciate the valuable comments of and discussions with James Bonnen, Carl Eicher, Steve J. Gold, Julie Howard, Lester Manderscheid, Jack Meyer, Robert Myers, Refugio Roehin, Allan Schmid, and John Staatz. We are also grateful to Jeanette Barbour, Danny Layne, Linea Nichols and John Schwarz for their assistance in the preparation of this manuscript.
This paper summarizes laws and conditions up to December 1996. There are numerous on-going revisions and amendments both at the federal and state levels.
Colonias represent an emerging category of American communities, gaining prominence in recent years. Colonias are typically rural, located in the Southwest, and characteristically "Chicano" or "Mexican" in nature. Conversely, other residents, like Whites or "Anglos," are numeric minorities within colonias. Today there may be easily 1,000 colonias within the Southwest, with as many as a half million residents. Their numbers are increased significantly every year, since 1990.
The topic of my presentation certainly has been in the spotlight over the last year. California's Proposition 187 was an initiative passed by the voters by a 59-41% margin. If implemented, the initiative would bar state and local governments in California from providing non-emergency health care and social services and public education to undocumented immigrants. It would further require California law enforcement, health and social service agencies, and public school officials to report persons suspected of being undocumented to the Immigration and Naturalization Service. There was much media hoopla surrounding the Proposition 187 campaign in the fall of 1994. The initiative received national attention. The true test of this was that the New York Times ran an editorial on the subject. Even a couple of prominent national Republicans, Jack Kemp and Bill Bennett, publicly announced their opposition to the measure. This national concern was justified. Many voters in California desired to "send a message" to the federal government. There apparently was a desire to get the federal government to deal with illegal immigration. Events in Congress over the last few weeks demonstrate that this message has had an impact. I will attempt to analyze three discrete aspects of Proposition 187 in this report: (1) the racial undercurrent to the campaign; (2) the disparate impact that the measure may have on certain immigrant communities; and (3) the legal challenges to Proposition 187 that in all likelihood will ultimately be addressed by the United States Supreme Court.
Utilizing data from the 1990 Panel Study of Income Dynamics Preliminary Release File, this paper examines patterns of disability and estimates the differential costs attributed to disability status for Anglo, Black and Latino men. The analysis reveals considerable variation in the prevalence of disability. When examining prevalence across racial and ethnic groups, Puerto Rican men have the highest rates of disability, regardless of the indicator used to measure disability; Anglo men report the lowest rates. Multivariate analyses reveal that poor health and the presence of a work disability were significant predictors of the labor force participation and earnings of men. These analyses also suggest that the economic well-being of Blacks and Latinos is further constrained by the costs associated with carrying "additional minority" statuses, lending partial support to the notion of double or triple jeopardy.
Rural California is becoming increasingly Latino . At the same time, the economic well-being of California's agricultural communities is becoming increasingly defined by the race and ethnicity of residents. A number of studies have noted that communities with high concentrations of Latinos tend to have greater economic and social problems.  Most studies have focused on immigration from Mexico and other parts of Latin America as the cause of both the increasing concentration of Latinos, and decreasing community well-being. However, these studies have neglected the concurrent changes that are occurring with the non-Latino white population. Therefore, this paper examines both the out-migration of non-Hispanic whites and the in-migration of Latinos in rural California, to better understand the relationship between ethnicity and the economic well-being of California's rural communities. The first part of the paper uses a database of 126 rural California communities to compare and contrast demographic changes (over 1980-90) in Latino and non-Latino population, and to examine the degree to which White out-migration and Latino in-migration correlate with community socio-economic indicators. The second part of the paper uses in-depth qualitative data to examine several communities in the San Joaquin valley. Through analysis of community social capital, intergroup conflict and cooperation, and local perceptions of economic opportunities, we examine some of the dynamics underlying the broader migration, settlement, and economic trends discussed in the first part of the paper.
Until very recently, little attention has been paid to the occupational safety of the huge migrant and seasonal workforce which provides our nation with fruits and vegetables. This paper describes the new Worker Protection Standards. These are federal regulations put into effect in 1995, which are intended to provide an increased measure of safety to farmworkers against pesticide poisoning on the job, by mandating employer-provided training in pesticide safety. This paper explores the complex issues surrounding state implementation of these federal pesticide laws, and how that interaction works in Michigan. Finally, this paper looks at what is known and what is not known about the condition of the farmworker population in Michigan, focusing on the dearth of information on the occupational injury and illness rates of farmworkers.
Using the High School and Beyond dataset, this report attempts to determine whether the economic concept known as "social capital" can help explain the academic achievement of Latino students. The report also relates the pre-labor market environment of youth to the basic economic theories which try to account for the status of Latinos in the labor market. Specifically, the report assesses the importance of human, financial and social capital in determining the academic (and life) outcomes of Latino youth. While the report initially posits the role of financial, human and social capital available in the three separate pre-labor market environments of the home, school and community, many of these aspects of the study eventually drop out. The concepts of financial and human capital provided by the home are replaced by the composite variable of socioeconomic status (SES). In addition, the High School and Beyond dataset does not provide sufficient information on the community to allow for measurement of any type of "capital" in that realm; nor is the human and financial capital provided by the school environment operationalized. Hence, the report is left to focus on measuring the social capital available to the student (Latino and non-Latino) at home and in the school, holding in consideration the SES and the student's own effort level (measured in hours spent on homework). Confirmatory Factor Analysis is the selected method; Latino and White students are the selected populations.
In this study, Dr. Jackson examined the stereotypic characteristics and values, emotions, and behaviors associated with Hispanics by Anglos. Stereotypic characteristics and values indicated generally negative perceptions of Hispanics (e.g., less productive and intelligent, more physically violent), although a few positive characteristics and values (e.g., strong family values) were associated with the group. The best predictors of overall attitudes toward Hispanics were emotion and behavior, with stereotypic characteristics and values contributing little to the prediction. Findings are discussed in terms of the need to examine sources of negative perceptions of Hispanics and methods for changing such perceptions.
The amount of research examining poverty among Latinos has increased over the last decade. However, this body of literature is primarily based upon individual-level analysis, particular regions of the country, and metropolitan areas. This research examines poverty in Midwest Latino counties (defined as those containing at least 500 Latinos) in 1989 as well as changes in poverty between 1979 and 1989. The analysis is guided theoretically by an integrated model which identifies four groups of factors that are related to the percent of Latino families having incomes below the poverty level. The four groups of factors include variables reflecting the demographic structure of Latinos, Latino human capital, Latino employment conditions, and the geographic and industrial settings where Latinos reside. Data from the 1980 and 1990 Census Bureau's Summary Tape Files 3C (STF3C) are used in the analysis. Results from ordinary least squares (OLS) multiple regression provide support for the usefulness of the integrated model, especially in the cross-sectional analysis based on the 1990 census.
The purpose of this study is to investigate how preservice teachers, or white prospective teachers, perceive students' multiple literacies in school and non-school settings. "Multiple literacies" refers to the literacy usages that differ from how literacy is used in school settings, most often reflecting those usages in the dominant culture. As most previous studies have revealed inadequate multicultural teacher education programs, Malenka believes that insight into this issue will help to inform the broader question of how teacher educators can help preservice teachers learn to incorporate non-school literacies into classroom literacy instruction.
Rene Rosenbaum & Marcelo Siles
This report is a compilation of charts, tables and text measuring the differences in statistics such as annual payroll, employment, firm, and receipts for businesses in Michigan and the United States owned by minorities and women. The term "minorities" in this case refers to blacks, persons of Hispanic or Latin American ancestry, persons of American Indian ancestry, and persons of Asian or other minority origin or descent. The charts provide the reader with a quick method for comparing basic economic data for these groups as well as for women in Michigan and in the United States.
Worldwide, agricultural laborers struggle to meet the basic needs of their families, doing work that remains arduous and low paying and that entails substantial occupational health risks. In the United States, research studies continue to document the exploitation experienced by this hard working, but socially invisible, occupational group (Bade, 1993; Barger and Reza, 1987; Griffith and Kissam, 1995; Guendelman, 1991; Johnson, 1985; Koos, 1957; Martin and Martin, 1994; Palerm, 1994; Villarejo,2000; Wells, 1996). The low-income California residents who are the focus of this research are California's working poor - farmworker families. This occupational group is unique in that many safety regulations governing other occupational groups are not applied to agricultural labor. In the midst of California's agricultural prosperity, this group of workers remains largely hidden in our society.