John P. Koval
Moving from the city to the suburbs has traditionally been more of an unspoken indicator about upward mobility than geographic mobility. The history of immigration to the U.S. is a history of urban immigration with American cities serving as ports of entry. Chicago was, and remains, the quintessential example of an American city populated, built, and run by immigrants. In fact, the city of Chicago has been a classic example of urban immigration and absorption. However, after years of White middle- and upper-middle-class dominance of suburban Chicago, Latinos are now at the forefront of the racial and ethnic integration of Chicago’s suburbs. This analysis provides an overview of Chicago’s racial/ethnic composition, its socio-economic landscape, and economic divides. In particular, the majority of Latinos in metropolitan Chicago—as well as the five other largest immigrant groups—live in the suburbs. Specifically, the city of Chicago is no longer the immigrant capital of the Midwest; rather, today, it should be conceptualized as suburban Chicago.
Sissi Foster & Susan Krouse
This paper summarizes a study that examined the availability and quality of local data on the health of American Indians and Latinos in the City of Lansing, MI, and compared these populations to Whites and Blacks. Comprehensive databases on health (specifically morbidity and mortality), environment, demographics, and spatial distribution were gathered and analyzed for these populations. Our study found that current local data are inadequate for proper population assessment, specifically in the areas of data quality, data scale, and data storage. Using the existing data with its limitations, we completed descriptions for these two populations and made suggestions for continued research.
This statistical brief considers the growth and distribution of the Latino population in Indiana. It is apparent from the data presented that this population has undergone sudden and drastic change in the past decade. Today, the group is primarily Mexican in origin, most are first-generation immigrants, and they can be found throughout the state to a greater degree than previously. While many of them are handicapped by a lack of English proficiency, low income, and little formal education, they are nevertheless highly work-oriented, eager to learn the language, and striving to achieve self-sufficiency through work, study, and determination. Most of the respondents came for work, and they are hard workers. For example, some 40% of the households reported having three or more employed adults, while one-quarter had at least one worker holding at least two jobs. Overall, less than 2% of the group’s workers were unemployed. However, their wages are undoubtedly quite low; the median household income among those surveyed was between $10,000 and $20,000. Further, over one-third of the respondents lived in “shared” quarters and over 90% were renters. High proportions also had limited English-speaking skills, but most were seeking or taking ESL (English as a second language) training.
Ann V. Millard, Mary Ann J. Ladia, & MarÌaelena Jefferds
This report presents data from the medical records of patients who were migrant farmworkers or their family members, and who were last seen at migrant clinics in Michigan in the late 1980s. This project analyzed data from 154 patients who were at least five years of age. Little is known about migrant worker health, particularly in the Midwest. In Michigan, migrant farmworkers tend to be invisible in state statistics, agency budgets, and even U.S. Census data. Since the U.S. Census is conducted on April 1st, it misses nearly all of Michigan’s migrant workers who are still out of the state at that point in the agriculture cycle. Their low income, poor living conditions, and lack of health insurance would be expected to correlate with their poor health. On the other hand, they must be in good enough health to carry out heavy physical labor. The study found that the three most commonly treated problems were: 1) respiratory tract infections (29%), 2) digestive system problems (25%), and 3) musculoskeletal disorders (20%). The main referrals were dental (26%), radiological (26%), and vision-related (17%).
David A. Lopez
This brief compares various socioeconomic indicators between Latinos and non-Latino-Whites in the city of Omaha. Data come from the U.S. Bureau of the Census. The author found that the Latino population in the Midwest has been substantially increasing and is projected to continue to do so. Looking at various socioeconomic indicators, he found that Latinos in Omaha occupy a lower strata relative to non-Latino Whites. More Latinos occupy “blue collar” types of jobs than non-Latino Whites. Conversely, non-Latino-Whites occupy “white collar” types of jobs than Latinos, who have a higher rate of employment than non-Latino Whites, but suffer from a higher rate of poverty than non-Latino Whites. Latinos have also a higher percentage of households headed by women and their median income is lower than that of non-Latino Whites. In terms of education, more non-Latino Whites have Bachelor’s degrees than Latinos. More Latinos rent their homes than non-Latino Whites and tend to live in slightly old homes. Most Latino households have access to a vehicle and a telephone, but lag slightly behind in access to such conveniences than non-Latino Whites. South Omaha has been transformed into a Latino community and socioeconomic differences exist between census tracts within this community.
This report provides a preliminary assessment of Latinos in Indiana, particularly as they compare with other groups in the state and with other Latinos in the region and nation. It is based primarily on census publications, but includes findings from other recent work along with information gleaned from numerous interviews and observations currently underway for these purposes. The study finds that Latinos in Indiana are living under better economic conditions, on average, than Latinos elsewhere. While Latino population growth in Indiana has been sluggish, at least up to the present decade, the state’s overall growth has been slower still. Latino settlement patterns in Indiana, like elsewhere, tend toward concentrations in specific areas which do not always correspond to patterns among the population at large. Further reflecting Latino patterns elsewhere, Latinos in Indiana are predominately Mexican in origin, with Puerto Ricans constituting a distant second place among the remaining nationality groups. The major Hispanic origin groups in Indiana, as well as the state’s Latinos as a whole, are a relatively youthful group. Research cited here indicates that the state’s Latinos intermarry with non-Latinos at a remarkably high rate. However, the suggested scenario is actually consistent with research efforts on Hispanic intermarriage elsewhere: it is more likely to occur among higher status Latinos and Latinos outside of major Latino concentrations. There is little hard information on the issue of Latino growth in Indiana, yet there are clear indications that growth has accelerated as a result of immigration.
Marcelo E. Siles & Refugio I. Rochín
This report examines the characteristics of Latinos living in North Lansing and compares their socio-economic condition with Hispanics living in the Lansing Metropolitan Statistical Area. For purposes of comparison, we define the North Lansing area as bounded by the following: on the North by Grand River; on the East by Wood Road; on the South by Saginaw Highway; and on the West by ML King Boulevard. One area within Lansing, the North area, houses a relatively large proportion of Latinos; 16.7% as of the 1990 census. By comparison, the City of Lansing is 8% Latino overall. The Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) of Lansing, including three counties (Clinton, Eaton, and Ingham) has 3.5% Hispanics in the region. As shown by the data for 1990, the basic statistics for income, educational attainment, poverty rates, housing conditions, and other traits are signs of relatively lower standards of living within North Lansing, compared to the general conditions of the Metropolitan Statistical Area. There are 2,900 Latinos living in the North Lansing area. In terms of origin, of the total population of Hispanics, Mexican origin residents constitute the majority or 83.5%, Caribbean-origin residents account for just 2.6%, South Americans 3.2%, and other Hispanics 10.7%. For the Lansing MSA, the proportion of Mexican origin persons is 76%, Puerto Ricans account for 4.7%, Cubans for 3.3%, Central and South Americans for 5%, and other Hispanics 10.8%
Refugio I. Rochin & Marcelo E. Siles
This Statistical Brief or CIFRAS is a modest beginning toward providing a better understanding of Latinos in Nebraska. It provides an overview of Latino history and a set of tables based upon U.S. Census reports of Hispanics in Nebraska. Nebraska’s history is known for its “flood of European immigrants,” mostly Germans and its heritage of American Indians. Nebraska’s population includes other ethnic and racial groups, Latinos, among them, whose background is little known. Latinos constitute an important and growing share of Nebraska’s population with origins dating back to the frontier days, when Spaniards and Mexicans brought horses and sought wealth and trading partners throughout the Midwest. Baltensperger (1985) notes that Latinos are primarily of Mexican origin. Larsen and Cottrell (1982) point out that the flow of Mexicans to Nebraska was stimulated by the Mexican Revolution and economic opportunities for labor in railroads, packing industries, and farming. Mexicans are known for their strong sense of unity and are described as people with profound appreciation of hard work, religion, family ties, and noteworthy community achievements. In 1990, the Latino population in Nebraska constituted 2.3% of the state’s population; more recently there has been a noted surge in Latino residents, mostly from Texas and Mexico. Nebraska’s Latinos differ in important respects from other groups in Nebraska. They have relatively lower levels of educational attainment and figure prominently among the poor. Unemployment is relatively high for Latinos, but not as high as the unemployment levels experienced by Indians and African Americans.
Mazin Heiderson & Edgar R. Leon
This brief provides a portrait of Michigan Migrant Education from the late 1980’s to the mid-1990s. Michigan Migrant Education is a federally funded program begun in 1966 to provide supplemental education to children of migrant agricultural workers. The authors state that migrant agricultural workers play an important role in Michigan agriculture. Using data from the 1989-1995 service cycles, they found that most migrant children are in grade 6 and below. Slightly over half (51.8%) count Michigan as their home state, followed by Texas (29.3%), Florida (12.3%), and Mexico (3.1%). Funding for Michigan Migrant Education has been stable over the past eight years, averaging about $11 million per year. The number of children served by migrant education programs has averaged about 18,500. The majority of Michigan Migrant Education children (72.7%) are Hispanics. Participation in migrant education programs occurs mostly during the summer months of June, July and August, and the rest occurs during the regular school year from September to May. Contrary to common perceptions, intrastate coordination between migrant education programs is more important than interstate coordination.
Elaine Allensworth & Refugio I. Rochin
This Statistical Brief considers the impact of permanent settlement of Chicanos and Latino immigrants in rural California communities by examining trends in population and community well-being in these areas. It then profiles eight specific communities located in a highly agricultural area. Data for these analyses are taken from the 1990 U.S. Census of Population and Housing (STF3 files) for the state of California. Analyses are based on all California communities of population between 1,000 and 20,000 that are completely outside of an urbanized area. The study finds that greater employment in agriculture is strongly and positively related to the percent of the population that is Latino, and the percent of the community that consists of new immigrants to the United States. Communities that have more agricultural employment also tend to have younger residents, as more agricultural employment is associated with a greater percent of the population under age 18, and a smaller percentage over age 65. Greater employment in agriculture is also associated with more poverty, greater unemployment, lower per capita income, and smaller percentages of high school and college graduates among adults in the community. Where there is higher employment in agriculture, there are more Latino residents, more recent immigrants, and fewer high school graduates. The study also finds that educational attainment, per capita income, poverty, and rent as a percentage of household income are the best indicators of economic well-being in rural communities.
Ruben G. Rumbaut
Contemporary immigration to the United States and the formation of new ethnic groups are the complex and unintended social consequences of the expansion of the nation to its post-World War II position of global hegemony. Immigrant communities in the United States today are related to a history of American military, political, economic, and cultural involvement and intervention in the sending countries, and to the linkages that are formed in the process that open a variety of legal and illegal migration pathways. Of the 249 million people counted by the 1990 U.S. Census, Hispanics accounted for 22.4 million, or 9% of the total population, up 53% from the 14.6 million counted in 1980. The sharp increase in the Hispanic population has been largely due to recent and rapidly growing immigration from Latin America and the Caribbean, making Latinos the largest immigrant population in the country. If current trends continue, Hispanics will surpass African-Americans in population size sometime in the next decade. The 19.8 million foreign-born persons counted in the 1990 U.S. census formed the largest immigrant population in the world, though in relative terms, only 7.9% of the U.S. population was foreign-born, a lower proportion than earlier in this century. Today’s immigrants are extraordinarily diverse, a reflection of polar-opposite types of migrations embedded in very different historical and structural contexts. Since the 1970s new immigrants have entered an “hourglass” economy with reduced opportunities for social mobility, particularly among the less educated, and new waves of refugees have entered a welfare state with expanded opportunities for public assistance.
Robert Aponte & Marcelo E. Siles
This report is a follow-up to the widely publicized report Latinos in the Heartland: The Browning of the Midwest. It provides a synopsis of those findings along with several additional findings based on census data not available at the time of the original report’s release. These new findings both elaborate on some of the key issues in the earlier report and provide a point of comparison. As reported in The Browning of the Midwest, although Latinos accounted for over half of the total population growth in the Midwest during the 1980s, in absolute terms, the group’s growth was modest. The bulk of Latino population growth was centered in Illinois, especially the Chicago metropolitan area, and was overwhelmingly Mexican in origin. In addition, the data strongly suggested that immigration to this area accounted for most of the increase, as against other sources of growth. Finally, the original report showed that Latinos sustained a significant decrease in real income and a significant increase in poverty. This report shows that the Midwest’s severe economic setback was not matched at the national level. The median household income for the region in the 1980’s was higher than that for the nation, but ended lower. The data elaborated herein also suggest that while Latinos continue to trail Blacks and Whites in educational attainment, there is more catching up going on than is readily apparent. In fact, educational data on Hispanics are almost certainly biased downwardly by the inclusion of large numbers of less educated, recently arrived immigrants. Recent years have witnessed a burgeoning Latino population in the rural areas of some of the region’s states, particularly Minnesota, Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas. The major “pull” for these newcomers is a string of meat processing plants that have recently shifted to, or expanded in, these Midwestern areas.
Marcelo E. Siles
This brief compares Hispanic educational attainment, enrollment in public schools, high school graduation, and post-secondary enrollment in four-year public universities to those of other racial groups in Michigan. Drawing on secondary data from the U.S. Census, Michigan Department of Education, Chronicle of Higher Education, and the National Center for Education Statistics, the authors found that Blacks and Latinos lag in high school completion behind Whites. Almost 79 percent of Whites have a high school diploma, compared to 65 percent of Blacks and 61 percent of Hispanics. In post-secondary education, more than 18 percent of Whites have a college degree, whereas only 10 percent of Blacks and slightly over 11 percent of Hispanics do. One-third of Hispanic youth ages 5 through 17 years were not accounted for in the public schools. Hispanics 25 years of age and over have the lowest levels of high school education, with only 61 percent having a diploma as compared to 65 percent of Blacks and almost 70 percent of Whites. Hispanics in college were more likely to be equally represented by gender than their Black and White counterparts. This brief calls concludes that attention must be given to the education of minority children by ensuring that they complete not only high school, but also post-secondary education institutions. The authors indicate that policymakers must support programs that reduce high school dropout rates; ensure adequate K-12 education funding in both rich and poor districts; and support education programs that increase access to and completion of higher education.
This statistical brief presents data that examines Hispanic business ownership in Michigan. Census data on the stock of Hispanic-owned firms (HOFs) are combined with population data to compare the patterns of Hispanic business ownership in the state to those of the nation. State and national patterns are examined for all HOFs, for women and male-owned HOFs, and for HOFs categorized by Hispanic subgroup. The state and national patterns in the concentration of HOFs in several industries are also examined. Of the country’s 422,373 HOFs in 1987, 2,654 or 0.63% were listed in Michigan. These Michigan firms represent a 64% increase in the number of HOFs in the state since 1982. This growth compares to an 81% increase in HOFs over the same period for the nation as a whole. In 1987, men owned nearly three quarters of U.S. HOFs and over 67% of Michigan’s HOFs. Women-owned HOFs accounted for over 27% and 32% of U.S. and Michigan HOFs respectively. Computed business ownership rates for Michigan Hispanics suggest there were 24.81 HOFs per 1,000 Hispanics over age 19. For U.S. Hispanics the rate was 31.46 HOFs per every 1,000 Hispanics over age 19. The majority of HOFs in Michigan are owned by people of Mexican origin. However, Central and South Americans in Michigan registered the highest business ownership rate among the different Hispanic subgroups. In 1987 over three-fourths of HOFs in both Michigan and the U. S. were concentrated in three industry divisions: services, retail trade, and construction.
Refugio I. Rochin & Marcelo E. Siles
This statistical brief highlights the patterns of employment, the economic status of workers, and their housing in Michigan’s agriculture industry. Although the employment of seasonal workers has tended to decline, the employment of regular workers has increased. The decline in seasonal farm labor is statewide and the increase in regular workers is notably found in West Central and South West Michigan, areas with nurseries, fruit, and vegetable production. The increase in nominal wages for farmworkers is a positive sign. The lack of increases in wages is a sign for concern. Farmworker earnings have not improved in terms of purchasing power. In general, farmworkers with fewer than 150 days of annual employment at current wages live in poverty. They may need social services and welfare to support their families. Housing has tended to decline since 1966. Having year-round housing may be an increasing problem as farms turn to more regular, year-round hired labor, especially in agricultural West Central and South West Michigan.
Robert Aponte & Marcelo E. Siles
The Hispanic or Latino population in Michigan is quickly becoming a more prominent member of the community. This is partly due to the group’s increased population size, but it is also due to their impressive representation in the labor force and among school-aged youth, as well as their rapidly increasing presence in the business world. However, their poverty levels and underrepresentation in high income jobs continue to be areas of needed attention for the advancement. In 1990, Hispanics accounted for only 2.2% of Michigan’s total population. This proportion represents an increase from the 1980 percent of only 1.8%. Among the various nationalities that together comprise the Latino population, Mexicans are the dominant group with about 69% of the Hispanic population in Michigan, while Puerto Ricans, the second largest group, comprised just under 10%, with the remainder accounted for by Cubans with nearly 3% and a mix of “Other Hispanics” accounted for nearly 20%. The profile of Michigan’s Hispanics shown is that of a unique population that is growing at a time when non-Latino Whites are shrinking in number. The relative youthfulness of Latinos and their proclivity for labor force participation also point out that jobs and education are relevant policy concerns.