Christina Jose-Kampfner &Frances Aparicio
This interdisciplinary research project, which took place in Southwest Detroit, is grounded in educational psychology, sociolinguistics, literature, and culture. Its focus is the multiple forms of violence affecting Latino/a youth and their school performance.
This paper examines alternative interpretations that encompasses the realm of Lat-Crit and Critical Race Theory scholarship and its application to workers within the agricultural hierarchy.13 Representing new forms of legal jurisprudence allows examining legislation written primarily by the dominant population that continues to exclude the agricultural worker. Outside of this perspective, an examination of federal public law and its enrichment of the sector while causing the impoverishment of agricultural laborers remains largely omitted from legal directed study. From the perspective of Critical Race Theory and Lat-Crit Theory, Professor Richard Delgado provides: Unless we recognize the government's power to enrich A, while ignoring B, can cause inequality between A and B just as surely as its power to impoverish B directly we risk repeating the error of the universal story's herdsman whose goats were stolen while he attended to another danger. In contrast to the status quo, the goal of this paper seeks to engage a more productive debate on the agricultural workforce and its position in the agricultural hierarchy. Without alternative interpretations, agricultural legislation reflects skewed renditions of promulgation and application of agricultural law, with further misalignment of democratic principles which render dissimilar treatment of its citizens and as violating constitutional dictates.
It is estimated that 1.5 million people in the United States are infected with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. According to the 1996 CDC HIV/AIDS Survelliance report, the Center's for Disease Control reported 501,310 cases of AIDS in the United States as of October 1995. This number grew to 525,050 by December 1995. Fifty-one percent of the reported AIDS cases were among African-Americans and Hispanics/Latinos. These figures become more significant when compared to the national population breakdown. African-Americans represent 12.1% of the population while Hispanics/Latinos represent 9% of the population (CDC, 1995). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimate that approximately 120,000 women in United States are infected with HIV, making women the fastest growing group of people with AIDS in the United States. From this growing group of victims, African-American and Hispanic/Latino women are disproportionately represented among those with HIV/AIDS, and the disease is expected to spread at much higher rates among these groups in the coming decade (CDC HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 1996). The best know prevention against AIDS at present is education, so men and women should be educated about how to protect themselves. The primary routes of transmission of HIV infection in the United States are culturally structured social behaviors, particularly the sharing of intravenous drug injection equipment and sexual acts involving the exchange of body fluids. The dangers of unprotected sex with multiple partners, anal sex, and violent sex should be explained in detail. The use of condoms and alternate forms of sexual experience should also be openly discussed. AIDS preventive education must include education about drug use as well, including the provision of clean needles or a means of cleaning them. Moreover, the government, at all levels, must also be held accountable for acceptable levels of commitment to and intervention in minority communities. This includes the provision of HIV/AIDS education programs that focus on minority issues, medical services within minority communities for those infected with the virus, and allocation of funds for research into treatment and prevention of AIDS for minorities. Additionally, we need to be sure AIDS education and services are available in minority communities, culturally sensitive, and accessible to all people.
Despite the recent proliferation of research on homicide, scholars have neglected to examine killings among the Latino population (Martinez 1996). While the "long history and large numbers of Latinos in the United States" are well recognized within the social science literature (Moore and Pinderhughes 1993:xix), researchers have shown little concern about the extent and seriousness of the Latino homicide problem. Although prominent public health agencies identify homicide as a major contributor to death among Latinos (Baker 1996; Mercy 1987), few criminological studies are focused on murder among Latinos (Zahn 1987). The result is an incomplete understanding of Latino homicides (Martinez 1996). Not only is the extent of Latino homicide unknown, the determinants of Latino homicide are also unknown. The purpose of this paper is to enhance our knowledge on the killings of Latinos in the United States. I propose that the impact of immigration and economic deprivation on Latino communities creates a social milieu that varies substantially from the experiences of most other ethnic groups (e.g., Anglo and Black) and that, in turn, influences violence. Also, I compare and contrast the small number of Latino homicide studies, paying special attention to the context within which Latino homicides occur. Finally, I propose future directions in research on Latino-specific links to homicide.
Carol Fimmen et al.
Hispanic perceptions of colleges and educational institutions are often shaped by both flexible and fixed standards of measurement. Affordability of a college education is one such measure that can vary significantly for Hispanic/Latino students. Costs can vary considerably depending on whether students attend a public or private institution, pay in-state or out-of-state tuition, or live within or outside the campus community. Issues of affordability are also raised when one considers the amount of time necessary to complete an undergraduate education. Past observations on experimentation of time to degree have led institutions to begin focusing their policies and objectives on the individual needs of the students. One population that needs institutional evaluation is Hispanic/Latino* students who are significantly underrepresented throughout the entire educational system. Although they comprise the fastest growing minority population in the United States, Hispanic college attendance is the lowest among all minority groups.
The objective of this paper is to analyze the main causes for income differentials (Gini coefficient) between Hispanics and other ethnic groups. Using mainly the U.S. Census Bureau data, the author found that income differentials have been increasing in the United States since the mid-1960’s up to the early 1990’s. Income differentials were observed for the entire U.S. population and for each of the racial groups. Blacks showed the largest gaps in household incomes, but the existing gap with Hispanics and Whites has been decreasing in the last few years. Educational attainment had the strongest effect on income differentials and mean household income. The educational attainment of Hispanics is the lowest among all the racial groups, and Hispanics’ expected earnings are very low. Mean earnings for Hispanics declined in constant dollars between 1980 and 1990. The most serious problem for Hispanics is the high level of dropout rates from the school systems. Hispanics have the highest labor force participation rates among all racial groups, but their low levels of educational attainment prevent them from obtaining good paying jobs. Most Hispanics are in low-paying occupations such as operators, fabricators, laborers, and in the service industry, which increases their likelihood of being poor. The author also found that income differentials have a direct impact on family cohesiveness and community well-being. Income differentials are positively related to both divorce and child poverty rates.
The purpose of this study was to identify the major influences of poverty or financial well-being among Puerto Ricans in the United States. Selected variables that measure personal/ psychological influences, family influences, and socioeconomic influences were included in a multivariate analysis. The dependent variable was a computed poverty index to measure economic well-being. The data for this study come from the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 1982-84 (HHANES). The Puerto Rican sample used for the analyses consists of 1,684 observations from the New York City area, including parts of New Jersey and Connecticut. The variables that had the strongest impact on the poverty index were: health, locus of control, acculturation, family structure, public assistance, employment status, and type of worker. Through multiple regression analyses, some determinants of Puerto Rican poverty were identified. The findings of this and previous quantitative and qualitative studies provide empirical evidence for public policy recommendations.
Pamela A. Quiroz
Educational researchers have become increasingly interested in what is commonly referred to as the “school-to-work” transition. Most often, it is the high school which presents the focus for study of this transition. Nevertheless, it is appropriate to assume that the links between future career aspirations and establishing an educational pathway for attaining those goals begins at a much earlier stage. Social scientists who study identity suggest that one’s identity consists of the presentation of several different selves (e.g., Goffman, 1959). Moreover, it is during adolescence when persons attempt to integrate various selves into a single identity (Erickson, 1963). This process of “self” selection and integration is social as well as internal, with validation of these selves by significant others a salient experience in the development of identity.
The island of Puerto Rico is at the eastern end of the Greater Antilles. The island is shaped like a rectangle with a maximum length from east to west of 178 kilometers with a width from north to south of 68 kilometers. The total area of Puerto Rico (including the islands of Vieques, Culebra, and Mona Island) is 8,897 square kilometers. The population is predominantly of Spanish and African ancestry, mainly bilingual; with Spanish being the official language (Cevallos, 1985). Puerto Rico has been filled with controversy (due to conflict over status of the island as well as conflict between those living on the mainland and those remaining on the island) long before United States occupation in 1898. Controversies and conflicts continue and may never cease, however, it is imperative that attention be given to the difficulties which confront the Puerto Rican of today. As the turn of the century quickly approaches and another election year draws near, the issues of empowerment and greater understanding of this population become crucial to their self-actualization. It is with this in mind that the references in this annotated bibliography have been chosen. They were compiled over a four year period which began while I was a doctoral student at Iowa State University. I chose to include references which cover a broad range of topics and cover as many aspects of the Puerto Rican experience as possible, both historical and present day. The topics included are from the social sciences, economics, and politics. A great effort was made to include both scholarly research as well as general interest information for those desiring to become better informed about Puerto Rico and its people.
This annotated bibliography is based on my doctoral dissertation entitled "Low Birthweight, Infant Mortality, Acculturation, and Nutrition: A Explanation of Between Group Differences Among Latinos." In reviewing the literature, it became clear to me that the subject was "distended. Sources ranged from the fields of medicine, sociology, psychology, anthropology, health, and nutrition. There was no comprehensive article that addressed low birthweight in the context of Latinos. This work seeks to provide that source.
It is frustrating for me to write about this topic because it is emotionally charged. As a state consultant, I have had to travel around the state school systems to monitor and provide technical assistance to the 55 plus migrant education programs. During all these years I have observed the classrooms, talked to teachers, administrators, parents, farmworkers, health and social service providers. This experience has provided me with certain data that is of great importance. I can only speak as a member of a Hispanic group and from this perspective I may sound hurt and offended by the expressions I use to report what I have seen. While some may hold my credentials questionable, I can only affirm that they should try going to another country and work on a Ph.D. in another language that is not their native tongue. I guess I have been one of the lucky ones that got out of the barrio and made it regardless of the gangs, drugs, violence, and limited economic family conditions. As a consultant, I have made an effort to continue reading and educating myself. Unless an education consultant reads the latest research, teaches at a school, and works on problem solving in the area of expertise, write research papers, and actively participate as an advocate for the migrant children, he or she are prone to vegetate in this field. Sorry to be insulting to some who fit the description but this is a plain and simple fact. Just by looking at the students fail in the classroom, walking the school hallways, talking with frustrated teachers, parents and administrators, and having lunch and dinner with politicians does not qualify any person for recommending any significant changes in curriculum or educational approaches?. Just because a person is of Hispanic heritage, looks Hispanic or speaks Spanish doesn't mean that he or she has a license to say what is right or wrong for all Hispanic children in their school district or state?. I personally would not even attempt to recommend anything unless I study each situation thoroughly. I do not use my ethnicity as a flag or diploma to make me capable of providing expert advise. It takes more than being Hispanic or having a Spanish surname. It takes hard work and constant learning to effectively do such activities. Enough of setting the record straight. The purpose of this paper is to point to challenges and solutions for educating migrant students for the next five(5) years.
International migration to the United States experienced a dramatice change over the last two decades. The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act that abolished the national origins quota system established in 1924, gave rise to a more diversified pool of legal immigrants. Unlike past immigration coming from Europe, most immigrants now come from developing countries mainly from Asia and Latin America. For example, between 1971 and 1990, while legal immigration from Europe decreased five percent, immigration increased rapidly from Central America (248 percent), Mexico (159 percent) and Asia (72 percent) (INS, 1992). Due to the operation of social networks it is likely that undocumented migration followed a similiar pattern. In this context, some contend that the arrival of new immigrants is accelerating the conentration of poverty in certain regions in the United States.
Bert Mason, Andrew Alvarado, & Robert Palacio
The primary focus of this conference is to examine the impacts and policy consequences of international migration to rural communities of California. Our assignment is to identify and discuss the immediate or eventual effects of the transformation of many rural communities into binational migration nodes on urban centers such as Fresno. We attempt to accomplish this assignment by first examining available secondary data on social and economic changes that have occured in Fresno during the past two decades. Included in this discussion are analyses of the growth and composition of population and employment, demographic changes and an assesment of potential effects of immigration-induced changes on public services, education and other socioeconomic indicators. At this point, we can only indentify potential rather than actual causality between immigration and socioeconomic changes. Within the context of rapid community change forged by numerous factors, it is also impossible to quantify the importance of these relationships.
Among the key selling points of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was the notion that the economic benefits of treaty's passage would slow Mexico-US migration. Whatever the ultimate extent of NAFTA's economic consequences, it is argued here that the treaty's implementation will stimulate more migration than it will stem. This is because neither the quality nor the quantity of the NAFTA-induced jobs on the Mexican side, the key ingredient in the migration-supression hypothesis, will be sufficient to deter many northern bound labor migrants. In addition, the economic integration process itself will entail job-losses in Mexico that will stimulate increased migration. On balance, therefore, outmigration will increase, rather than decrease. Despite this prediction, it is also argued here that Michigan, while sure to remain among the states most actively involved in financial dealings with Mexico, is not likely to be among the major receivers of the enhanced migration streams. Michigan will host little increased migration because most such migrants are likely to enter via existing trajectories which currently funnel large numbers of migrants. The best data available suggest that very little direct immigration from Mexico is currently steered toward Michigan. For example, the Mexican-origin population in the state grew at a very low rate during the 1980s, a decade of record Mexican immigration, and only a portion of this growth could have been due to migration. Indeed, in absolute terms, the state's Mexican-origin population grew faster in the 1970s than the 1980s, and it is likely that the portion of the growth due to migration came largely from other parts of the US, rather than from Mexico.
Between 1900 and 1930, slightly more than one million Mexicans, repsrestning about ten percent of Mexico's population, moved north into the lands the United States had wrested from Mexico during the nineteenth century. any went beyond the southwest into the Mid-West and other regions of the country. The immigrants were drawn north primarily by the lure of securing well-paying jobs in America's burgeoning industries and developing agribusiness empires. The immigrants left for other reasons as well; most notably, as a means to cope with the political instability and economic dislocations unleashed by the Mexican Revolution (roughly 1910-1917) and with the civil unrest and economic hardships that followed in the 1920s.
This article is based on a study of the work experience of production workers at MaikroTek's (a pseudonym) computer manufacturing division in California's Silicon Valley. The majority of the labor force was composed of men and women of color and white women, groups that presently are the fastest growing (Johnston and Packer 1987) populations in the workforce. At the time of this study, participatory management policies were being implemented in major corporations throughout the country; MaikroTek was at the forefront of companies with such policies. This study will show that men and women of color and white men and women hold different places in the firm's internal labor market, and that participatory management policies pose new problems for these workers. On the surface, such policies appear to provide more participation for all employees. However, this study reveals a differential effect on workers depending on structural and socio-demographic factors. Second, different groups of women workers responded differently to participatory management policies and to management's actions during the economy-wide recession of 1982-1983. Third, the present study confirms that working conditions in the primary sector of the industry are much better than secondary sector jobs. At MaikroTek workers have stable employment, relatively high wages, and fringe benefits on the job. At MaikroTek however, the heterogeneity within and among women and workers of color is such that workers' responses to management policies vary.
This paper describes the work and interactions that the author had for six years with a Latino community in a Mid-Michigan city. Through this interaction, she could observe the unique characteristics of the Latino elderly and learned about how they perceive their lives, families, and community. The paper also prompts questions regarding the nature and development of their support systems and describes the emotional impact of a changing social climate on this segment of the population that is continually growing. It also provides awareness of what is effective in a community and a possible foundation upon which to start developing programs and policies. Dramatic changes in demographics also reflect major changes in the composition of the U.S. population. Indications are that the Latino elderly are one of the fastest growing segments of the elderly population. This rapid growth has tremendous implications for their families and society in general. The medical, social, and economic problems of the Latino elderly will require serious attention. There are prevalent signs of the struggle of this segment of the population with issues such as changing family patterns, affordable child and elder care, and with growing shortages in quality nursing and home care services. An important issue that the paper examines is the effectiveness of the Latino family as a support system. Latinos are family-oriented with strong kin networks and consider family members as primary sources of support.
Marcelo Siles & Juan Marinez
The Julian Samora Research Institute (JSRI) in conjunction with Michigan State University (MSU) Cooperative Extension conducted a survey of Hispanic Community Based Organizations (CBOs) during the summer of 1994. The survey had several goals: 1) to identify and compile a list of community organizations offering services of interest to the Hispanic community of Michigan; 2) to assess the focus, scope, attributes, contributions and common concerns of these organizations; and 3) to collect information concerning current operating budgets and sources of funds.
Marcelo Siles, Monica Elicerio, & Manuel Gonzales
The Governor’s Interagency Migrant Services Committee holds an annual conference focused on different migrant and seasonal farmworker problems and issues. The 1994 Annual Conference "Building Partnerships: Growers, Farmworkers and Agencies United" was organized to cultivate partnerships among growers, farmworkers, and agencies that deal with farm labor sector concerns. Previous to this conference the Committee agreed to undertake a survey which would gather information from four different perspectives: growers, grower associations, resident seasonal farmworkers, and migratory farmworkers. The survey was designed and developed by the Committee and administered by its respective members. The purpose of this report is to present an analysis of the survey results and the comments made by the participants at the conference. The survey covered 51 growers and grower associations, 35 seasonal farmworkers, and 74 migrant farmworkers. The survey reported herein and the commentary of many respondents constitute a first step towards the incorporation of two traditional, often opposing, points of view on the issues and concerns of utmost importance and value to both. In addition, the conference proceedings, appended in this report, also support the findings of the survey.
The phenomenon of Chicanos/Latinos settling out of the migrant stream in Minnesota is not a new one. St. Paul's West Side and Minneapolis' North Side were built by Chicanos/Mexicanos who settled out during the off-season or came to find jobs in the rail or meatpacking industries. Although the process is not new, the places migrants now settle are. The fastest growing Chicano/ Latino population in Minnesota is no longer in the Twin Cities metropolitan area; it is in rural Minnesota. Willmar Minnesota is now the home to the third largest Chicano/Latino community in Minnesota. The Chicano/Latino population has grown 750% over the past 10 years. The vast majority of these new residents are migrants who have put down roots in Willmar and in the larger community of Kandiyohi County, located in West Central Minnesota. Ninety percent of Willmar's Chicano/Latino population consists of Tejanos, or of people who migrated directly from Texas. The majority of residents came from the Rio Grand Valley. Green conducts a case study on Willmar, Wisconsin, in order to better understand the settlement patterns of Chicano/Latino migrants. The author discusses major economic and social conditions that encouraged this settlement. Also addressed are changes that this settlement necessitated as well as the issues it raised and continues to raise.
Agriculture is one of the most hazardous industries in the United States, especially for those who perform agricultural labor. Migrant and seasonal farmworkers experience risks to their health from exposure to allergenic elements, improperly operated and/or inadequately maintained farm machinery, poor sanitation in the camps and fields, sub-standard and/or crowded housing, and the stress and long hours of work. These conditions lower resistence to common ailments and infectious disease (Coye, 1985; Dever 1991; Spielberg Benitez, 1983), and they increase the likelihood of musculoskeletal problems (Wilk, 1986) and stress-related disorders (Dever, 1991), such as adult-onset diabetes (Scheder, 1988). Along with these problems, public health officials recently have become aware that there also is a risk of HIV infection among farmworkers, that has the potential to increase, since AIDS cases are no less prevalent among migrant and seasonal farmworkers than among the general population (Castro, & Narkunas, 1989). It is noteworthy that in at least one state having large numbers of farmworkers prevalence rates for seropositivity are higher among migrant workers than other populations (Frees, Polkowski et al., 1992).
Consciously or not, those of us involved in Border Studies operate within a generally agreed parameter about what constitutes the U.S.-Mexico Border and its study. Today, representatives of various disciplines, as well as proponents of different perspectives and individuals in both countries, increasingly refer to a basic group of assumptions when discussing the region. Although much disagreement surrounds Border studies, some of it heated, research mostly departs from the same nucleus of premises. We mostly agree, for instance, that the Border that joins Mexico and the United States comprises far more than the strip of land contiguous to the international boundary. Most concur that it is a region whose identity, economic activities, cultural life, etc., supersedes its binational nature to be integrated in many respects. Although it appears to be a straightforward and self-evident concept from our vantage point, many years of convoluted research trails through parched deserts were necessary to reach that point.
Karen Lambourne & Maxine Baca Zinn
In the 1990s, the United States experienced a demographic transition from an Anglo-White society to a diverse society characterized by three large racial ethnic minorities. The majority of students of the 21st century are going to be of non-European origin and the majority of them will be poor. To meet their challenges, the authors argue that we need to reconstruct the ways in which we think, work, and teach. Jobs of the future will require higher levels of literacy than in the past. Minority youth will be more likely to be at risk for educational failure, which will impact their economic security and well-being. Better understanding of the inter-institutional linkage is vital, especially for students from different class and racial ethnic backgrounds. This bibliography focuses on the inter-institutional linkage that shapes the education experiences of racial ethnic students in the United States. Though the authors are especially concerned with presenting the citations on Latinos as the highest at-risk population, the bibliography nevertheless contains material on how varied race and class connections between families and schools produce different educational experiences, and unequal outcomes for minorities. The bibliography is organized into five sections: 1) General work on racial inequality in higher education; 2) Cultural approaches and their critiques; 3) Structural approaches and social connections; 4) The interlocking of families and schools; and 5) Programs and policies for bridging families and schools.
In the wake of worldwide economic and political restructuring, migrations have both accelerated and have a growing presence in national labor markets. To a large extent, the role this labor takes within different economies reflects state policies toward achieving competitiveness. As illustration, this paper pursues two questions: what meaning can be attributed to the economic purpose of immigrant labor in diverse socio-economic systems; and accordingly, what implications can be drawn about the fluidity of borders as a result. Distinctions are made among liberal, corportist, and authoritarian governments using examples from the United States, Japan, Germany, and Kuwait. The conclusion is made that the redefinition of borders, and hence national sovereignty, is inextricably tied to the demarcation of internal and external labor markets, and to the leverage the state maintains in reconciling the two.
This report considers the relationship between ethnicity and poverty through case studies of inner city men. In particular, the spatial mismatch hypothesis and the “dual” or “segmented” labor market theory are put to the test of accounting for empirical findings on the employment dynamics among a sample of inner-city men representing four distinct ethnic/racial groups. Data are drawn from a major survey conducted in Chicago by the Urban Poverty and Family Structure (UPFS) project. The UPFS survey began in 1986 and was completed in 1987. It consisted of a stratified, probability sample of persons between the ages of 18 and 44 years, mostly parents, within the city's official poverty areas as defined by the U.S. Census Bureau. The sample was stratified by four major social categories, persons of black or white heritage, and Mexican and Puerto Rican origin Hispanics. An additional component of this project, an employer survey, also provides findings with relevance to the work here and is subsequently cited. Though each of these perspectives appears to derive at least some support from the findings, neither can fully account for the patterns of the data. The results of this work ultimately raise as many questions as they answer; a number of important shortcomings of the contemporary perspectives on poverty are suggested as well as a number of clear directions for further research.